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Sun, June 19, 2011 | The Meir Amit Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center

Egyptian anti-government protesters belonging to the Muslim Brotherhood movement and their children sit in Cairo's Tahrir square on February 12, 2011. (Photo: Patrick Baz/AFP/Getty Images)

The Muslim Brotherhood – Chapter 7: The development of political discourse in the Muslim Brotherhood and the 2007 election platform

The Muslim Brotherhood is an Islamic mass movement whose worldview is based on the belief that “Islam is the solution” and on the stated aim of establishing a world order (a caliphate) based on Islamic religious law (Shariah) on the ruins of Western liberalism. With extensive support networks in Arab countries and, to a lesser extent, in the West, the movement views the recent events in Egypt as a historic opportunity. It strives to take advantage of the democratic process for gradual, non-violent progress towards the establishment of political dominance and the eventual assumption of power in Egypt and other Middle Eastern countries.

The changing economic, social, and political reality in Egypt, and the movement’s increasing integration into the local political system, has transformed the political discourse and election platform of the Muslim Brotherhood in recent years.

The movement has gradually toned down religious-Islamic terms and demands, putting an emphasis on terms and demands compatible with the spirit of democratic reform and economic liberalism. At least on the outside, it has partially brought itself in line with the political demands of other opposition elements. The movement began making such declarations in 1994, adopting views that proclaim the principles of Islam to be compatible with democracy. In practice, however, reliable information in our possession shows that the Muslim Brotherhood leadership still clings to the dogmatic ideological line, considering the moderated statements as nothing more than a tactical device.

The changes in the movement’s discourse and platform have resulted from the demands of opposition elements and circles in the Egyptian public (independent intellectuals, Copts) to clarify its positions on sensitive issues. For example, the movement was asked to clarify its position on the practical implications of implementing the Sharia (a codex of laws that is not static and open to various interpretations) and its impact on legislation, the status and rights of Copts and women in Egypt, political pluralism, and freedom of expression.

Other considerations that seem likely to have prompted the movement to such a change have been the desire to differentiate itself from radical Islamic movements following the September 11 attacks and the desire to take advantage of the Middle East democratization agenda to have the U.S. administration exert pressure on the Egyptian regime to recognize it as a legitimate movement and grant it political freedom.

As part of the conciliatory rhetoric, former Muslim Brotherhood general guide Mahdi Akef claimed ahead of the 2005 parliament elections that while the movement did not recognize Israel, it would not fight it and honor the treaties (i.e., the peace treaty) once in power. Later, the movement began stressing that while it basically believes international treaties must be honored, the treaty with Israel must be reexamined and put to a referendum.

Despite these efforts, the movement finds it difficult to reconcile democratic principles with its Islamic objectives and worldview. Most of its publications remain vague with regard to sensitive issues, and even include contradictory messages. What is more, there have been obvious discrepancies between the movement’s publications and statements made by its leaders in Arabic and those made in English, which use more moderate formulations.

One noteworthy example of the Muslim Brotherhood’s inconsistent messages is the statements made by former deputy general guide Mohammed Habib on the issue of the political rights of Egypt’s Copts. In 2005, Habib noted that Copts had no right whatsoever to be elected to a senior political post. In 2006, he said that Copts do have the right to be elected to a senior political post but not to presidency; in a statement made in English at the same time, however, he noted that Copts were citizens with equal rights and could be elected for presidency as well. The 2007 draft of the Muslim Brotherhood’s political platform once again denied Copts the right to run for presidency.

According to the movement, the draft political platform published in July-August 2007 was designed to be the first step towards the establishment of a political party. Apparently, the publication was also motivated by the movement’s desire to remain politically-relevant despite the severe oppression by the regime. The platform sought to combine — rather unsuccessfully — such democratic principles as equal rights and opportunities, freedom of expression, and political pluralism, with contradictory Islamic principles, like barring women and Copts from running for presidency and establishing an advisory committee of clerics to supervise policy, which would render the parliament powerless.^[66]

In the economic sphere, the platform took exception to the idea of privatization, establishing Islamic economy (which forbids stock market profiteering and interest loans), and imposing Islamic norms on foreign tourists (dress code, alcohol consumption, etc.). On foreign issues, while taking a positive view of cooperation with world countries, the platform presented the need to reexamine international treaties signed by Egypt (also implying the peace treaty with Israel).

The draft platform also revealed a telling insight into the tensions between the movement’s younger generation, which supports a flexible, broad interpretation of the “implementation of the Sharia” and the movement’s goals, and the older generation, representing the movement’s conservative faction that is concerned over the loss of its unique voice, which may alienate its traditional supporters.

Selected articles from the Muslim Brotherhood draft political platform (2007)

This comprehensive analysis of the Muslim Brotherhood (by ITIC) consists of 12 chapters. All 12 chapters are listed below:

Chapter 1: The historical evolution of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt

Chapter 2: The ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood

Chapter 3: The Muslim Brotherhood’s education, preaching, and social activity

Chapter 4: The structure and funding sources of the Muslim Brotherhood

Chapter 5: The Muslim Brotherhood’s struggle against the various Egyptian regimes and other challenges facing it

Chapter 6: The Muslim Brotherhood’s stance on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict

Chapter 7: The development of political discourse in the Muslim Brotherhood and the 2007 election platform

Chapter 8: Profiles of prominent Muslim Brotherhood figures in Egypt

Chapter 9: The Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood’s ties to its branches in Middle Eastern and Western countries

Chapter 10: The Muslim Brotherhood in other Arab countries and in Europe

Chapter 11: A profile of Sheikh Dr. Yusuf al-Qaradawi

Chapter 12: Islamic jihadist organizations in Egypt ideologically originating in the Muslim Brotherhood

You can download the full study in PDF-format here

Notes:

[66] The English version of the platform published on the official Muslim Brotherhood website did not include some of the manifestly Islamic elements that appeared in the Arabic version. Those that did appear were toned down.