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Tue, Dec 28, 2010 | The Guardian: Document 1, Document 2, Document 3, Document 4, Document 5

Muslim president of Sudan, Omar al-Bashir, has been accused of instigating genocide in Darfur. (Photo: Philip Dhil/EPA)

WikiLeaks: Sudan, Chad and the quest for resolution

Document 1: A debrief on Nicolas Sarkozy’s visit to Chad reveals growing moves against Sudan.

Document 2: Chinese officials urge caution on prosecution president Omar al-Bashir, insisting it will only serve to destabilise Sudan.

Document 3: ICC prosecutor outlines his strategy for bringing the Sudanese president to justice, but finds French and Chinese hurdles that need first to be overcome.

Document 4: Luis Moreno-Ocampo argues that the ill-gotten gains of the Sudanese president need to be exposed to destroy his reputation among his countrymen.

Document 5: A senior UN official insists that the UN take charge of ceasefire plans in Darfur, and speaks up for the regions Arabs.

Source: WikiLeaks

Thursday, 13 March 2008, 06:12

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 PARIS 000461
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
EO 12958 DECL: 03/12/2018
TAGS PREL, EUN, MARR, PHUM, CD, SU, FR”>FR
SUBJECT: CHAD/SUDAN/EUFOR: FRENCH PRESIDENCY ON SARKOZY’S
VISIT TO CHAD AND POSSIBLE NEXT STEPS
REF: A. PARIS 431 (NOTAL) B. PARIS 273 (NOTAL) C. PARIS 432 (NOTAL)
Classified By: Political Counselor Andrew Young, 1.4 (b/d).

1. (C) SUMMARY: Romain Serman, AF-advisor at the French Presidency, on March 10 reviewed Sarkozy’s February 28 visit to Chad and discussed possible next steps. In Chad, Sarkozy stressed to Deby the importance of determining the fate of the missing opposition leaders and to develop a meaningful political dialogue in Chad, based on the August 13, 2007, agreement. In the short term, concerned countries should try to make it difficult politically for Sudan to allow Chadian rebels to mount a new offensive prior to the May/June beginning of the rainy season, which would allow EUFOR and UNAMID to deploy in a peaceful environment. Serman said that the Zaghawa rebels no longer seemed willing to fight Deby and might be willing to go over to his side (one of the objectives of a renewed political dialogue); only the Nouri/Gorane faction seemed willing to fight, and had been fully resupplied by Sudan. Sudan should also be placed under increased scrutiny, which would help to discourage its support for another rebel offensive. The South Africans told Sarkozy during his February 28-29 visit that they could play a role by sending a bilateral mission to Sudan to persuade Khartoum to avoid another round of fighting and could make Chad and Sudan priorities during South Africa’s tenure as UNSC president in April. Other possible leverage against Sudan included a reference to potential International Criminal Court interest and increased engagement by China, which was beginning to see the threat Sudanese regional adventurism could post to China’s oil interests in Sudan. Serman welcomed feedback from the U.S. and other concerned parties. END SUMMARY.

2. (C) Romain Serman, one of the two working-level AF-advisors at the French Presidency, on March 10 met with acting AF-watcher and UK Embassy Paris AF-watcher Lucy Joyce to discuss President Sarkozy’s February 28 visit to Chad and possible next steps on the Chad/Sudan/EUFOR cluster of issues. (Ref A reports Serman’s comments on the death of the EUFOR soldier in Sudan; septel will report his comments on France’s evolving military and basing posture in Africa, which Sarkozy announced in Cape Town after his visit to Chad.)

Sarkozy’s Visit

—————

3. (C) As reported Ref B, Sarkozy faced a skeptical media and NGO community prior to the February 28 trip to Chad, with criticism centered on France’s support for Deby, who himself faced strong criticism on human rights and the fate of three missing opposition leaders. Serman reported that Sarkozy met with representatives of the press and NGOs to exchange views before announcing his decision to make the February 28 stop in Chad en route to South Africa. Serman said that the press and NGOs appreciated his willingness to discuss Chad with them but that there was no perceptible shift in their views. Nonetheless, it was useful for Sarkozy to speak directly to his critics, Serman said, if for no other reason to provide them with the presidency’s political perspective, directly from the president. Serman reported that Sarkozy and other elements of the GOF continued to be frustrated with Amnesty International, which maintained that it possessed a document that allegedly showed that France knew about, and even approved of, the detention of the oppositionists even before they disappeared. Amnesty International refused to provide a copy of this purported document, Serman said, even when pressed to provide evidence for its assertions.

4. (C) According to Serman, Sarkozy had two priorities in Chad — first, to insist that the fate of missing political opponents be determined and to obtain Chadian agreement that a commission of inquiry be established to address that issue. Second, Sarkozy wanted to urge Deby and Chad’s political class to commit to developing a meaningful dialogue, in accordance with the framework suggested in the August 13, 2007, agreement.

5. (C) On the oppositionists, Serman asserted that French pressure yielded positive results, if only partial, citing the release of Lol Mahamat Choua, the subject of earlier French entreaties, and the eventual reappearance of Ngarlejy Yorongar in Cameroon (who subsequently received asylum in France). Serman added that the GOF, while respecting

PARIS 00000461 002 OF 003

Yornogar’s status as a Deby opponent, did not put much stock in his political judgment or his position on most issues. Serman said that Chad still had to account for Ibni Oumar Mahamat Saleh and to establish a credible commission of inquiry to determine in a transparent manner what had happened to Deby’s political opponents during, and in the wake of, the rebel offensive early in February. Serman said that the GOF had no concrete information on Saleh, although there were rumor-like indications that he was still alive. The GOC had to rename the commission of inquiry (its present title, along the lines of “Commission to Investigate Sudanese Aggression in February 2008,” was unacceptable, if not ludicrous, in Serman’s view) and to include a range of interested parties to supplement its pro-government members.

Political Dialogue and Next Steps

———————————

6. (C) Serman stressed the importance of making progress on Sarkozy’s second priority of encouraging meaningful political dialogue in Chad. Serman noted the key role the August 13, 2007, agreement could play. Acknowledging that the August 13 agreement “was not perfect,” Serman said that it still could serve as a good point of departure — “let’s not throw out the baby with the bath water,” he stressed. Referring to comments he had made earlier (Ref B), Serman said that the long-range goal of promoting political dialogue in Chad and, hopefully, laying the groundwork for political reconciliation, would be to deprive the rebels of a reason to continue opposing the government and to entice the rebels into working with the government instead. France’s demand that the government account for its treatment of opposition leaders was another signal to the rebels that France was trying to influence the government into taking steps that would enable the rebels to stop the fighting.

7. (C) After discussing the facts of the EUFOR soldier’s death (ref A), Serman said that all concerned parties should work to see that Sudan did not “escalate” tensions with Chad. Serman believed that the killing of the EUFOR soldier was a Sudanese measure to test the EU’s resolve with respect to EUFOR’s deployment. Serman said that the killing, so far, seemed to have no effect on the EU’s willingness to deploy EUFOR and to have it carry out its mandate to protect refugees in eastern Chad and in the C.A.R.

8. (C) Serman said that steps should be taken to deter Sudanese “escalation” with respect to Chad because Bashir seemed ready to fight. However, in France’s view, the Zaghawa elements of the rebel forces no longer seemed willing to renew the fighting and might be willing to go over to Deby’s side. Nouri’s faction (ethnically Gorane) remained committed to overthrowing Deby and had been fully resupplied by Khartoum, Serman said.

9. (C) In the immediate term, the objective was to avoid another Sudan-backed rebel offensive before the onset of the rainy season in May/June. This would allow EUFOR, as well as UNAMID, to deploy more fully. Serman suggested that the way to do this would be to make it difficult politically for Sudan to allow another offensive to take place. This could be accomplished by dispatching multilateral missions (which he did not specify in detail) to Sudan, “activating existing international fora” (which he also did not specify in detail), and to increase general diplomatic “static.” He summarized by stating that Sudan had to feel that it was under intense and continuing diplomatic scrutiny, which, he believed, would discourage Sudan from pushing the rebels into launching a new offensive. This would allow EUFOR to continue its deployment in a peaceful environment and its growing presence in Chad and C.A.R., and the continued deployment of UNAMID in Darfur would serve to deter renewed fighting.

10. (C) When Sarkozy visited South Africa after the stop in Chad (ref C), the South Africans told him they could play an active and helpful role as well. The South Africans said they might send a bilateral mission to Sudan to advise against renewed fighting, and could make Chad and Sudan priorities during South Africa’s presidency of the UNSC in April.

11. (C) Serman mentioned that other signals could be sent to Sudan, including subtle reminders of possible International Criminal Court interest in Sudan. Serman noted that “we know the U.S. has strong reservations about the ICC,

PARIS 00000461 003 OF 003

but we think the specter of ICC involvement could serve as an additional lever to discourage Sudan from backing a new rebel offensive. Those who do not share your reservations could send a signal to Khartoum.” Serman said that the GOF believed that Sudan was extremely sensitive about the ICC and thus subject to a signal along the lines he mentioned. Serman said that the French had been talking to China, which was slowly becoming aware of its own stake in the issue, aside from the criticism it had been receiving. Serman noted the growing Chinese concern about possible North-South fissures in Sudan and the possibility that its oil interests could be threatened should there be a some sort of more permanent North-South break. The Chinese were beginning to see more clearly that Sudan’s behavior towards Darfur and Chad could only increase the possibility of a North-South rupture with a possibly severe effect on China’s stake in the oil sector.

12. (C) In conclusion, Serman summarized French priorities — increased political dialogue within Chad, including resolution of the controversy over GOC treatment of opposition leaders, which could lead to reconciliation with Zaghawa rebel elements; increased engagement by the international community, including South Africa and China, to encourage Sudan from backing another rebel offensive, which would allow deployment of EUFOR and UNAMID before the beginning of the rainy season in May/June; and the use of tools such as the ICC to discourage Khartoum’s regional adventurism. Serman said that the GOF would welcome dialogue with the U.S. and other international partners on how best to reduce the possibility of further Chad-Sudan conflict via their rebel proxies.

Please visit Paris’ Classified Website at: http://www.state.sgov.gov/p/eur/paris/index.cfm

STAPLETON

Source: WikiLeaks

Thursday, 04 September 2008, 10:56

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 KHARTOUM 001354
SIPDIS
DEPT FOR AF A/S FRAZER, S/E WILLIAMSON, AF/SPG
NSC FOR PITTMAN AND HUDSON
ADDIS ABABA FOR USAU
EO 12958 DECL: 08/12/2018
TAGS PGOV, PREL, KPKO, UNSC, AU-1, SU, CM
SUBJECT: CHINA COUNSELS SUDANESE ENGAGEMENT, U.S. RESTRAINT
IN ICC PROCEEDINGS AGAINST BASHIR
Classified By: CDA Alberto M. Fernandez, for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d)

1. (C) Summary: During his recent visit to Sudan, Chinese Special Envoy Zhai Jun strongly counseled the GOS to remain prudent in dealing with the threatened arrest warrant for President Bashir and to continue to engage with the international community, according to Chinese Ambassador Li. Zhai even suggested that Sudan contact the ICC itself. Li encouraged the USG to consider shared interests in Sudan,s stability and not to veto a UNSCR postponing the ICC proceedings. CDA Fernandez thanked China for its helpful message to the GOS, and reported that the USG has made no decision whatsoever regarding an Article 16 vote. He emphasized that the USG’s primary concern remains tangible improvements in the situation in Darfur, the recent violence by the regime in Kalma Camp was a setback, and thus far the USG sees no reason to postpone ICC action. End Summary.

Special Envoy Zhen,s Message to Khartoum

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

2. (C) On September 3, Chinese Ambassador Li Cheng Wen briefed Charge Fernandez on Chinese Special Envoy and Assistant Foreign Minister Zhai Jun,s recent visit to Sudan. Zhai, who is responsible for Africa and the Middle East, inaugurated the new Chinese consulate in Juba and discussed the possible ICC indictment of President Bashir with GOS officials in Khartoum. On the latter issue, Li stated that Zhai expressed grave concern about the negative effect an ICC indictment would have on resolving the Darfur crisis. Zhai found Bashir to be quite receptive.

3. (C) According to Li, SE Zhai praised the GOS for its calm handling of the matter thus far, and encouraged GOS officials to continue to mobilize internally and engage the international community, including the UN Security Council and especially the P-5. Zhai also made a “friendly suggestion” that the GOS consider communicating with the ICC itself, either directly or indirectly. Li expressed hope that such contact could influence and perhaps “curb the next steps” in the ICC process. He stated that the GOC views ICC indictment not only as a political, not a legal matter. As such, it is encouraging the GOS to pursue both legal and political solutions to the problem.

ICC Action Threatens Darfur Progress

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

4. (C) Li stated that the GOC is extremely worried about how the ICC indictment will affect stability in Darfur, asserting that it has hardened the rebels’ stance towards peace. He believes that GOS officials now understand the gravity of the situation they have created over the years, and hopes they will heed GOC advice continue to engage with the international community. “Not heating up this matter is in the interest of all parties,” he said.

5. (C) CDA Fernandez thanked Li for China,s helpful and useful message to the GOS. He noted that while the United States shares GOC concerns about Sudan,s stability, its primary focus is achieving tangible improvements in the situation in Darfur, especially in regards to humanitarian access. He continued that while GOS contact with the ICC might influence P-5 members France and the UK, it does not by itself concern the United States, which is not a party to the ICC.

6. (C) Li concurred that the GOS could do more to speed up humanitarian access and take other positive actions but cautioned that “only pressuring the Sudanese government is no use.” Continued antagonism serves to strengthen the suspicions of hardliners within the NCP that the West is plotting against Sudan, he said. Rather, “we need to engage with them” to help solve the Darfur crisis. Both agreed that there is some anecdotal evidence of regime infighting about what is the best strategy: cooperation or escalation.

7. (C) Li expressed puzzlement at perceived British and French support for ICC Chief Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo. He stated that “whoever had a role in creating this problem will bear responsibility” if Sudan descends into chaos as a result of the ICC indictment, adding that such an outcome could have been easily forecast. He declared that destabilization of Sudan is in no one,s interest, adding that “to help Sudan is to help ourselves. I hope the British and French understand this philosophy.” He observed that French companies have oil interests in Sudan as well as in Chad. CDA Fernandez agreed that an ICC indictment will

KHARTOUM 00001354 002 OF 002

present great challenges to achieving peace in Darfur, but commented that the decision to indict President Bashir was may bave been made by an overzealous prosecutor and is not the result of “high politics” or a conspiracy by the West. He noted President Bashir’s sweeping claims to want to change the situation in Darfur for the better, “we want to see tangible results, not words or process.”

U.S. Should Not Block Delaying ICC Action

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

8. (C) CDA Fernandez’ meeting with Li followed a flurry of erroneous media reports that China is expected to “veto” the issuance of an arrest warrant for President Bashir. (Note: For example, the newspaper Akher Lahza ran a story with the headline “China Does Not Rule Out Veto To Invalidate Ocampo’s Allegations,” which noted that “President Bashir received a verbal message from his Chinese counterpart expressing a his country’s support for Sudan regarding Ocampo’s allegations,” but that “Peking denied reaching the stage of using a veto to invalidate the ICC prosecutor’s procedures because the case is still in its primary phase.” Another daily, Al-Rae’d, ran a headline “Chinese veto awaits Ocampo.” End Note.) Li acknowledged that these reports suggest a fundamental misunderstanding of role of Article 16 of the ICC Statute by the Sudanese public, and that it is a P-3 veto of a deferral of the ICC proceedings that GOS must worry about. He urged the USG to think of its and Chinese “mutual interests” in Africa when making a decision. “Stability is in the interests of all parties,” he said. “It’s what we should work for in the New World Order.”

Comment

– – – –

9. (C) Li’s concern that the issuance of an arrest warrant for President Bashir could have profound destabilizing effects are well founded. Combined with the end of the rainy season and renewal of rebel activity on both sides of the Chad-Sudan border, the ICC indictment could set off a chain reaction of violence and instability. China’s encouragement of GOS internal mobilization and international engagement, including with the ICC, is both useful and helpful, but its unclear whether the NCP even has the capability, let alone the willpower, to take any action towards solving the crisis if it can decide what those steps should be.

FERNANDEZ

Source: WikiLeaks

Wednesday, 03 December 2008, 21:13

C O N F I D E N T I A L USUN NEW YORK 001130
SIPDIS
EO 12958 DECL: 12/02/2018
TAGS PGOV, PREL, PHUM, KPKO, SU, AX, CG, UG
SUBJECT: ICC’S OCAMPO: BASHIR ARREST WARRANT IN JANUARY OR
FEBRUARY
Classified By: Ambassador Alejandro Wolff for reasons 1.4(b) and (d)

1. (C) SUMMARY: ICC Prosecutor Moreno-Ocampo on December 2 spoke with Ambassador Wolff at the UN on the situation in Sudan. Ocampo said the arrest warrant for Sudanese President Bashir would be issued in January or February. He said Arab leaders were frustrated with Bashir, and French President Sarkozy should be told it is time to move on Sudan’s president. Bashir won’t turn over indicted Minister Harun, according to Ocampo. He said China, as long as it keeps its oil concessions, does not care what happens to Bashir. Ocampo said arresting Lord’s Resistance Army rebel leader Kony soon would encourage armed groups in both Sudan and the DRC to negotiate. END SUMMARY.

BASHIR ARREST WARRANT IN JANUARY OR FEBRUARY

2. (C) International Criminal Court (ICC) Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo and two ICC officials met with Ambassador Wolff and Poloff on December 2 at the UN. Ocampo expects the ICC to grant his request for the arrest warrant for Sudanese President Bashir “not before January and not after February” 2009. He asked for continued Security Council pressure on Bashir, saying Bashir would seize any perceived weakening of international pressure to further entrench himself.

ARABS FRUSTRATED WITH BASHIR; FRANCE NEEDS CLEAR MESSAGE

3. (C) Ocampo reported Arab League Secretary-General Amre Moussa told him all Arabs were frustrated with Bashir, but Ocampo believes Arabs could not publicly disavow Bashir. Ocampo said Libya thought Bashir was irresponsible. Ocampo also said African leaders were all “hiding behind France,” hoping the French would find an exit strategy for Bashir, which, according to Ocampo, was “non-existent.” Ocampo said Bashir was politically dead, but France “put him on artificial respiration,” and said French President Sarkozy needed to receive a clear message that it was time to move on Bashir. (NOTE: Sarkozy reportedly met with Bashir in Doha November 29. END NOTE). Ocampo said the European Union is doing “nothing.”

BASHIR WON’T GIVE UP HARUN

4. (C) When asked by Ambassador Wolff what he expected Bashir to do, Ocampo said Bashir would never turn over indicted Minister of Humanitarian Affairs Harun to the ICC. Ocampo said Bashir’s next steps will depend on Security Council action.

CHINA ONLY WANTS OIL, IT DOESN’T CARE ABOUT BASHIR

5. (C) Ocampo said China, as long as it continues to have oil concessions in Sudan, does not care what happens to Bashir, and would not oppose his arrest if its revenues were not interrupted. Ocampo suggested the United States give China assurances about its oil concessions.

GETTING KONY NOW WILL “BRING THEM BEGGING” TO NEGOTIATE

6. (C) Ocampo said arresting Lord’s Resistance Army leader Joseph Kony in the next month would send a strong signal to the Sudanese leaders and rebels, as well as Laurent Nkunda, leader of the DRC rebel group CNDP. Ocampo said quick action against Kony, under the legal framework of MONUC, would “bring them begging” to the table for negotiations, giving “two quick wins” -one in Sudan, one in the DRC-to the international community.

Wolff

Source: WikiLeaks

Tuesday, 24 March 2009, 22:17

C O N F I D E N T I A L USUN NEW YORK 000306
EO 12958 DECL: 03/23/2019
TAGS PGOV, PREL, UNSC, PHUM, SU, XW”>XW
SUBJECT: (C) ICC’S OCAMPO ON SUDAN: GO AFTER BASHIR’S MONEY
AND CALL FOR HIS ARREST; REASSURE CHINA
Classified By: Ambassador Alejandro D. Wolff, for reasons 1.4 b/d

1. (C) International Criminal Court Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo told Ambassadors Rice and Wolff on March 20 that Sudanese President Bashir needed to be isolated. Ocampo suggested if Bashir’s stash of money were disclosed (he put the figure at possibly $9 billion), it would change Sudanese public opinion from him being a “crusader” to that of a thief. Ocampo reported Lloyd’s Bank in London might be holding or knowledgeable of the whereabouts of his money. Ocampo suggested simply exposing that Bashir had illegal accounts would be enough to turn the Sudanese against him, “as with Pinochet.”

2. (C) Ocampo said Bashir invents conflict to create a better negotiating position, and thought Bashir was using the expulsion of the NGOs to divert attention away from his arrest warrant. Ocampo suggested the U.S. and the international community also needed to push for Bashir’s arrest to isolate him. Ocampo likened Bashir’s situation to “a bleeding shark being surrounded by other sharks,” with no loyalty, only greed, motivating those competing for power. By promoting the possibility of Bashir’s arrest, Bashir would be further marginalized within Sudan’s ruling elite, Ocampo thought.

3. (C) Ocampo suggested it would be beneficial to reassure China that its access to oil would not be jeopardized. If China believed Bashir was becoming a destabilizing influence, Ocampo said China might be more open to his removal as long as his replacement would guarantee support for China’s economic interests.

Wolff

Source: WikiLeaks

Thursday, 11 December 2008, 05:59

C O N F I D E N T I A L KHARTOUM 001768
DEPARTMENT FOR AF A/S FRAZER, S/E WILLIAMSON, AF/SPG, IO”>IO”>IO/PSC
NSC FOR PITTMAN AND HUDSON
ADDIS ABABA ALSO FOR USAU
EO 12958 DECL: 12/07/2018
TAGS PGOV, PREL, ASEC, KPKO, UN, AU-1, SU
SUBJECT: JSR ADADA DISCUSSES CEASEFIRE, IMPORTANCE OF
ARABS, AND ROLE OF MINNAWI
REF: A. KHARTOUM 1737 B. KHARTOUM 1751
Classified By: CDA Alberto M. Fernandez, Reason: Section 1.4 (b) and (d)

1. (C) SUMMARY: On December 7, UNAMID’s Joint Special Representative Rodolphe Adada said that UNAMID continues to work on its plans for a ceasefire monitoring mechanism and asserted that UNAMID, not the UN/AU Chief Mediator, should take the lead with ceasefire plans. Adada also said that UNAMID needs to give more attention to the important role of Darfur’s Arabs. Adada expressed concern about the lack of DPA implementation, saying that the GoS’s failure to honor its agreements does little to persuade non-signatories to the negotiating table. He was also scathing about wildly inaccurate statements about loss of life in Darfur made by ICC prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo. END SUMMARY.

CEASEFIRE MECHANISM

– – – – – – – – – – – –

2. (C) Adada opened the meeting saying that he had just returned from a trip to UN Headquarters in New York where he briefed Undersecretary General for Peacekeeping Operations, Alain LeRoy, on the U.S. proposal for a Darfur Monitoring Team (DMT). Adada reported that he was surprised that Special Envoy Williamson did not raise the DMT with Le Roy in their last meeting, as Adada had prepped Le Roy on the USG proposal. Reflecting on the U.S. offer, Adada stated, “This is normally our job – but if you can help us with equipment, we would appreciate that.” Once the US raises this with the UN in New York, they will respond formally.

3. (C) Adada said that UNAMID continues to draft its plan for a ceasefire mechanism. (Note: Adada did not appear to be aware that his political chief, Abdul Mohammed, had discussed UNAMID’s ceasefire mechanism in depth with us on December 2 (ref. A). End Note.) He noted that most rebels are currently against the ceasefire offer, in particular SLA/Unity, which attack GoS assets to sustain their movements. “I have talked to SLA/Unity leaders like Sharif Harir and they have told me outright, ‘We attack the GoS because it is like our marketplace,” said Adada. Adada noted that any successful ceasefire must incorporate non-military logistical support for the rebel movements. He stated that although it was far from perfect, the generous monthly stipend allowance provided by AMIS served as almost a form of non-military logistical support for the rebels. Adada also hinted that the GoS will likely resist any form of assistance to the rebels as “the GoS wants the rebels to cause problems for everyone and make them (i.e. the rebels) look bad.” He noted that while the international community may be eager for a ceasefire, they probably won’t be ready to pay for the rebels not to fight.

4. (C) CDA Fernandez asked how the Joint Mediation Support Team (JMST) led by Chief Mediator Djibril Bassole and UNAMID were coordinating their efforts on a ceasefire. Adada responded by saying that “Bassole can speak in general terms about the need for a ceasefire, but this is our job in UNAMID to monitor violence in Darfur.” Adada then stated that UNAMID Force Commander Agwai had a meeting the morning of December 7 devoted to coordination between the JMST and UNAMID on ceasefire issues. Adada then asserted that Bassole should focus his energy on the political negotiations necessary for a ceasefire, not the details of any mechanism that will monitor the agreement. CDA urged closer coordination between UNAMID and Bassole.

NEED TO ADDRESS THE ARAB TRIBES

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

5. (C) Unprompted, Adada then asked about the place of Darfur’s Arabs, asking: “No one is taking care of them; what should we do about Darfur’s Arabs?” Adada said that the Arab tribes are essential for the stability of Darfur, and provided an example of how Arabs, loosely integrated into GoS security forces, attacked GoS assets in the spring of 2008. He said it is important to differentiate between the Arab tribes and the janjaweed, and admitted that UNAMID has not done enough outreach to the Arab tribes. CDA Fernandez agreed with Adada and noted that it is important to encourage Darfur’s Arabs to take a position independent from the GoS. He noted that the U.S. (at least the US Embassy in Khartoum) has attempted to reach out to a broad spectrum of Arab leaders (e.g. ref. B), and said that successful USAID programming in Arab areas in Darfur (such as Ad-Daien) should be expanded. Adada agreed with CDA Fernandez that the GoS has very weak control in Darfur, and that it uses the Arab tribes to rule the region.

IMPORTANCE AND COMPLEXITY OF SLM/MM’S ROLE

– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –

6. (C) Adada next turned to the role of SLM/Minnawi, saying that the GoS needs to implement the Darfur Peace Agreement in order to make a statement to the non-signatories. He joked, “The GoS better implement the agreement, otherwise every movement that signs an agreement with the government will be ‘minni-mized’ like Minni has been!” CDA Fernandez concurred, and then briefed Adada on the GoS’s failure to make any significant progress in DPA implementation since Vice President Taha’s agreement with Minnawi on September 19. Adada appeared surprised by the CDA’s remarks, and said that implementing the DPA is one way to support CPA implementation, a clear priority to the U.S.

OCAMPO’S IMAGINARY NUMBERS

– – – – – – – – – – – – – –

7. (C) Adada poured scorn on the “wildly inaccurate” recent statements of ICC prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo that “5,000 people were being killed each month in Darfur.” He added that who would be so naive and ill-informed to believe such a thing? He noted that this would be over a hundred people a day being killed, a level of violence not seen in Darfur for several years (Note: probably not since 2005). Even the horrific Kalma camp massacre of August 25, 2008 which killed 33 innocent people was “one crime on one day, this doesn’t happen very often.” He mused that such patently absurd and false information put out by Ocampo doesn’t make him look very credible in the eyes of those who actually know something about the reality of Darfur.

COMMENT

– – – –

8. (C) Adada appeared reluctant to discuss the ceasefire mechanism in any detail and made it clear that he would like UNAMID (and not the Chief Mediator nor the USG) to take the lead. Adada’s dismissive remarks about the Chief Mediator indicate once more the existence of a strained working relationship between the latter and UNAMID. Adada appeared poorly informed about the status of SLM/MM and the lack of any real progress in DPA implementation since the September Minnawi-Taha agreement. This is particularly disappointing considering the relatively substantial resources at Adada’s disposal, the fact that he needs to focus solely on Darfur, and the abundance of SLM/MM contacts in Adada’s headquarters in El-Fasher and in Khartoum.

FERNANDEZ